Thursday, March 6, 2014

Misperception and the Ukraine Crisis, Part I

T he most alarming thing about Russia’s recent actions in Crimea and the crisis atmosphere surrounding the whole ordeal is the sheer lack of accurate information available concerning the most basic facts on the ground. “Hard news” about the crisis is hard to come by. This has me thinking a lot of Robert Jervis’ classic work Perception and Misperception in International Politics.

Jervis examines how decision-makers with imperfect information form perceptions of events and other actors (leaders, states, etc.) that often significantly diverge from reality. Misperception covers an array of commonplace cognitive biases that affect the way people see the world and make decisions. In international politics, the dangers of misperception are high because decision-makers, who have armed forces and ballistic missiles at their disposal, are required to assess uncertain situations and make judgments about the hostile intentions of other states. Misperception can cause a leader to escalate a crisis or start a war he otherwise might not have if he had an accurate perception of the situation. Accordingly, misperception has been found by many scholars to have caused numerous conflicts.

Nearly all of the media reporting and commentary on the Ukraine crisis I can find seem to be operating off of hysterical one-sided assumptions and unfounded speculation. I can’t help but see the sources of misperception at work. For instance, we don’t even know for sure if the armed men in unmarked uniforms surrounding Ukrainian military bases in Crimea are actually even Russian soldiers. There were early reports that they were pro-Russia militiamen or security contractors. Almost a week later, their true identities remain ambiguous and unconfirmed. Nevertheless, most reporters and analysts have simply ignored this information and identified them as Russian troops. Even if they are Russian soldiers, the unmarked uniforms aspect raises a lot of questions about Russia’s intentions that no one even seems interested in asking (or answering).  

In any case, how can we expect decision-makers to clearly perceive the situation in Ukraine and make sound policy choices with such incomplete information? We may hope that behind the scenes there are various intelligence agencies busy filling in the blanks. This assumes, however, that decision-makers are actually listening and using intelligence to craft policy. Historians tell us that this rarely, if ever, occurs. Moreover, misperception is not directly linked to the quality of information available but how a decision-maker uses their values, beliefs and expectations to process and interpret incoming information. While awareness and better information about the intentions of others can help reduce misperception, the cognitive sources of misperception can never be entirely eliminated.

Regrettably, building a decent study on how a decision-maker perceived a situation requires rigorous historical evidence. We won’t really know what is running through the thoughts and across the desks of Barack Obama, John Kerry, or even Vladimir Putin until many years from now. In the meantime, I thought it might be fun to see if Jervis can help identify any potential misperceptions by some of the most widely read foreign policy pundits, commentators, and reporters in their takes on the Ukraine crisis.

Jervis does not systematically identify all the types of misperceptions in his book  and some may seem to fit several different categories because umbrella misperceptions like cognitive consistency encompass more specific misperceptions.  I’ve plucked some of the more common misperceptions from the text, labeled them if need be, and placed the potential cases of misperception beneath them.


Cognitive Consistency 
“…the strong tendency for people to see what they expect to see and to assimilate incoming information into pre-existing images."

Sadly, this case provides another vivid reminder of why tough-minded realism is a better guide to foreign policy than feckless liberal idealism or neoconservative bluster. [R]ealism tells you major powers care a lot about security and are often ruthless in defending vital interests, especially close to home. It recognizes that great powers ignore international law when it gets in their way, and it sees relations between major powers as a ceaseless struggle for position, even when that struggle is waged for essentially defensive reasons.
—— Steve Walt, Realist, Harvard University
Foreign Policy


Belief That The Other Understands You Are Not A Threat
"…actors injure others more than they mean to because they do not see the degree to which their policies conflict with the other’s interests…when the actor believes he is not a threat to another, he usually assumes that the other knows he is not hostile."

Some ideas [NATO should] consider would include: …Providing advice to Ukrainian armed forces to prepare and position themselves in the event of further conflict. …Bringing the NATO Response Force, a 25,000-man sea, air, land, and special forces capability, to a higher state of alert. …Sailing NATO maritime forces into the Black Sea and setting up contingency plans for their use. Many will consider any level of NATO involvement provocative and potentially inflammatory. Unfortunately, the stakes are high and the Russians are moving. Sitting idle, without at least looking at options, is a mistake for NATO and would itself constitute a signal to Putin -- one that he would welcome.
—— U.S. Adm. James Stavridis (ret.), Fmr. Supreme Allied Commander Europe
Foreign Policy

We have to make absolutely clear that Russian military intervention in other regions of Ukraine is a red line that will mean war with Ukrainian and NATO military forces if it is crossed. U.S. and NATO naval forces need to be deployed to the Black Sea in close proximity to the Ukrainian Coast. Military forces of neighboring NATO member countries, meanwhile, should be deployed closer to the Ukrainian border…Directly confronting Putin would not be as risky as many fear – Putin is, after all, a calculating opportunist who will take advantage of weakness where he sees it. He is extremely unlikely, therefore, to risk war if he clearly understands the "cost" of crossing a real red line. The question is whether he has any belief that the United States and its allies will step up.
—— Andrew Kuchins, Director, Russia and Eurasia Program
Center for Strategic and International Studies


Overestimating Your Importance as Influence or Target 
“Actors exaggerate the degree to which they play a central role in other’s policies.”

…We can be relatively certain that one of the reasons that Putin has taken the action he has -- why he has felt free to order troops into Crimea and indeed why he has felt so free to meddle in the affairs of Ukraine since the beginning of the current crisis -- is because he has felt there would be no consequences -- at least none serious enough to dissuade him. This is the message that America's recent foreign-policy actions -- or rather its relative inaction and fecklessness -- from Syria to the Central Africa Republic, from Egypt to Anbar province, from the East China Sea to the Black Sea, have helped to send.
—— David Rothkopf, Editor at Large
Foreign Policy

[Putin’s] calculus was not only a judgment on Obama’s foreign policy skill set, but it plainly included such a judgment, and it’s strange to think that recent U.S.-Russian entanglements played no role in shaping it.
—— Russ Douthat, Columnist
The New York Times


Disregarding the Internal Divisions of Others 
“Decision-makers tend to overestimate the centralization of the other’s policies even if they are familiar with the other’s domestic politics and elite divisions.”

Secure at home, Putin also fears little backlash from abroad. He believes the United States and Europe will publicly condemn Russia but implement few economic sanctions because Europe remains dependent on Russian natural gas.
—— David Rohde, Reporter
The Atlantic

The legislators in the Russian parliament today parroted those features of modern Putinism. In order to justify the invasion of the Crimean peninsula, they repeatedly cited the threat of Ukrainian “fascists” in Kiev helping Russia’s enemies. They repeatedly echoed the need to protect ethnic Russians in Ukraine—a theme consonant with the Kremlin’s rhetoric about Russians everywhere, including the Baltic States…If this is the logic of the Russian invasion, the military incursion is unlikely to stop in Crimea: nearly all of eastern Ukraine is Russian-speaking. Russia defines its interests far beyond its Black Sea fleet and the Crimean peninsula.
—— David Remnick, Editor
The New Yorker


Over Determining Personality 
“…Observers see others as autonomous causes of their own behavior…the tendency to perceive persons as origins and to ascribe changes in [state] behavior entirely to persons, ignoring external influences.”

Why is Putin doing this? Because he can. That's it, that's all you need to know…As soon as the revolution in Kiev happened, there was an unhappy rumbling in the Crimea, which has a large Russian population and is home to the Russian Black Sea Fleet. It was a small rumbling, but just big enough for Russia to exploit. And when such an opportunity presents itself, one would be foolish not to take it, especially if one's name is Vladimir Putin. 
—— Julia Ioffe, Senior Editor
New Republic


Irrational Consistency 
“When a person believes that a policy contributes to one value, he is likely to believe that it also contributes to several other values, even though there is no reason why the world should be constructed in such a neat and helpful manner…belief systems thus often display overkill.”

Ironically, showing leadership now in our response to the Russian intervention in the Crimea is likely to get the attention of our friends in the Middle East. It cannot be a substitute for what we do in the Middle East but it can open a new conversation with the Saudis and others…. But launching a new conversation [in the Middle East] will be far harder if the U.S. does not appear to come up with an effective strategy that imposes consequences for Putin’s act of aggression against Ukraine.
——Dennis Ross, Fmr. Clinton Middle East Envoy
New Republic


Failure to Recognize Interest Trade-offs 
“…the decision-maker fails to recognize the trade-offs between advancing his interests and harming those of others. Since he does not believe that his policy is creating legitimate grievances, he underestimates the opposition that arises and sees resistance to his actions as unprovoked hostility that indicates aggressive intentions."

What Putin misunderstands most is that the center of gravity for the former Soviet Union has shifted west…Ukraine was set to join this movement toward the European Union last November when Yanukovych suddenly suspended trade and financial talks with the E.U. and accepted what amounted to a $15 billion bribe from Putin to stay in Russia’s camp. To the tens of thousands of courageous Ukrainians who braved the cold and police brutality to protest, Yanukovych’s submission to Moscow looked like an attempt to reverse history.
——David Ignatius, Columnist
The Washington Post


Categorization 
“The label placed on an event or idea influence the way it is seen…this choice encourages the person to see further resemblances between the object and others in the same category.”

As Russia conducts direct military intervention in Ukraine, the US and Europe condemn it, and the Ukrainian army goes on high alert, we're witnessing the most seismic geopolitical events since 9/11.
——Ian Bremmer, President and Founder of Eurasia Group
Business Insider


Cognitive Dissonance 
“People seek to believe that the reasons for acting or deciding as they did were overwhelming…After making a decision, a person not only will downgrade or misinterpret discrepant information but will also avoid it and seek consonant information."

Putin’s quick move to a war footing suggests a different view — one in which, particularly in Russia’s back yard, the Cold War rivalry Putin was raised on is thriving. The Russian president has made restoring his country’s international prestige the overarching goal of his foreign policy, and he has embraced military force as the means to do so.
—— Scott Wilson, Chief White House Correspondent
The Washington Post


Why has Russia chosen to gamble its trillion-dollar ties with the West? Russia’s elites have exposed themselves in a gigantic manner – everything they hold dear is now locked up in European properties and bank accounts…Theoretically, this makes them vulnerable. The EU could, with a sudden rush of money-laundering investigations and visa bans, cut them off from their wealth. …. Russia is confident there will be no Western economic counterattack….He knows that European bureaucrats will issue shrill statements and then get back to business helping Russian elites buy London town houses and French chateaux. He knows full well that the United States can no longer force Europe to trade in a different way. He knows full well that the United States can do nothing beyond theatrical military maneuvers at most. This is why Vladimir Putin just invaded Crimea. He thinks he has nothing to lose.
—— Ben Judah, Author
Politico


Underestimating Coincidences 
It is common for a decision-maker to see a set of events as being planned rather than coincidental. “Of special interest is that the movement of military forces are almost always seen as supporting foreign policies.”

Russia said it test-fired an Intercontinental Ballistic Missile on Tuesday, a planned event that timing of which was still called into question by United States officials because of the ongoing Ukraine crisis….The timing, the military officials agreed, appeared “suspicious but not threatening.”…"This was a previously notified and routine test launch of an ICBM as required under the New START Treaty, Russia provided advance notification of this launch to the United States," National Security Council spokesperson Caitlin Hayden said in a statement.
—— Jim Miklaszewski, Chief Pentagon Correspondent
Robert Windrem, Investigative Reporter
NBC News

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